Autonomism or Autonomous Marxism is a set of anti-authoritarian social and political movements and theories. As a theoretical system, it first appeared in Italy in the 1960s from the communist workers ( operaismo ). Subsequently, post-Marxist and anarchist tendencies became significant after the influence of the Situationists, the failure of the left-left Italian movement of the 1970s, and the emergence of a number of important theorists including Antonio Negri, who had contributed to the establishment of the 1969 Potere Operaio >, as well as Mario Tronti, Paolo Virno and Franco "Bifo" Berardi.
Georgy Katsiaficas summarizes the form of an autonomous movement which says that "Unlike centralized decisions and hierarchical authority structures of modern institutions, autonomous social movements involve people directly in decisions affecting their daily lives, they seek to expand democracy and help individuals free themselves from political structures and behavioral patterns imposed from the outside. "Thus this has involved the call for the independence of the social movements of political parties in a revolutionary perspective seeking to create practical political alternatives to authoritarian socialism and contemporary representative democracy.
Autonomy affects the German and Dutch Autism, the movement of social centers around the world, and is currently influential in Italy, France, and to a lesser extent English-speaking countries. Those who portray themselves as autonomous now vary from Marxist to anarchist.
Video Autonomism
Etimologi
The term autonomia was first used in 1620, composed of two Greek words, "auto-nomo", referring to a person or something living with his/her own government. Autonomy, in this sense, is not independence. While independence refers to the kind of autarky life, separate from the community, autonomy refers to life in society but by its own rules. Although the notion of autonomy was alien to the ancient Greeks, this concept was indirectly endorsed by Aristotle, who claimed that only animals or gods could be independent and live apart from polis (" community "), while Kant defines Enlightenment through the autonomy of thought and the famous Sapere aude (" dare to know ").
Maps Autonomism
Marxist Autonomic Theory
Unlike other forms of Marxism, autonomous Marxism emphasizes the ability of the working class to force changes to the organization of capitalist systems free from the state, trade unions or political parties. Autonomists are less concerned with party political organization than other Marxists, which focus more on self-governed actions outside traditional organizational structures. Marxism autonomism is a "bottom-up" theory: it draws attention to activities seen by autonomists as the day-to-day working class opposition to capitalism, such as absenteeism, slowness, workplace socialization, sabotage, and other subversive activities.
Like other Marxists, the autonomists see the class struggle as the most important. However, autonomy has a broader definition of the working class than other Marxists: as well as wage earners (both white-collar and blue-collar), autonomists also fall into this category of untrained (students, unemployed, housewives, etc.) which has traditionally been deprived of all forms of trade union representation.
The early theorists (such as Mario Tronti, Antonio Negri, Sergio Bologna, and Paolo Virno) developed the idea of ​​"immaterial" and "social work" extending the Marxist concept of work to all societies. They claim that the wealth of modern society is produced by unaccountable collective work, and only a few of these are redistributed to workers in the form of wages. Other Italian autonomous authorities - especially feminists, such as Mariarosa Dalla Costa and Silvia Federici - emphasize the importance of feminism and the value of unpaid female workers to capitalist society.
A movement scholar, Michael Ryan, wrote it
Autonomy, as a movement and as a theory, opposes the idea that capitalism is an irrational system that can be made rational through planning. Instead, he assumes the views of the workers, privileging their activities as levers from the revolutionary sections as something that can build communist society. Economics is seen as entirely political; economic relations are direct political forces relations between class subjects. And in the economic category of social workers, not in the alienated political form like the party, that the initiative for political change lies.
Italian Autonomy
Autonomous Marxism - called in Italy as operaismo, literally translated as "laborism" - first appeared in Italy in the early 1960s. Arguably, the emergence of early autonomy can be traced to the discontent of automotive workers in Turin with their union, which reached agreement with FIAT. The disillusionment of these workers with their organized representation, together with the resulting riots (especially the 1962 riots by FIAT workers in Turin, "the fatti in Piazza Statuto"), is an important factor in the development of a self organized labor representation theory. outside the scope of traditional representation such as unions.
In 1969, the operaismo approach was active mainly in two distinct groups: Lotta Continua, led by Adriano Sofri (who had a very significant Roman Catholic cultural matrix), and Potere Operaio , led by Antonio Negri, Franco Piperno, Oreste Scalzone, and Valerio Morucci. Mario Capanna is a charismatic leader of the Milan student movement, which has a more classic Marxist-Leninist approach.
Influences
Through the translations provided by Danilo Montaldi and others, the Italian autonomy attracted the research of previous activists in the United States by the Johnson-Forest Tendency and in France by the Socialisme ou Barbarie group. The Johnson-Forest Tendency has studied the lives and struggles of the working class in the US auto industry, publishing pamphlets such as "The American Worker" (1947), "Punching Out" (1952), and "Union Committeemen and Wildcat Strikes" (1955). ). The work was translated into French by Socialisme ou Barbarie and published, in sequence, in their journal. They also began to investigate and write about what is going on inside the workplace, in their case inside the car factory and insurance office.
The journal Quaderni Rossi ("Red Book"), produced between 1961 and 1965, and his successor Classe Operaia ("Working Class"), produced between 1963 and 1966, were also influential in the development of early autonomy. Raniero Panzieri, Mario Tronti, and Toni Negri are some of the main collaborators.
Pirate radio stations are also a factor in spreading autonomous ideas. Radio Alice Bologna is an example of such a station.
Live actions
The movement of Italian students, including the Indiani Metropolitani (Indian Metropolitan), beginning in 1966 with the murder of Paolo Rossi students by neo-fascists at the University of Rome, was involved in direct action operations, including riots and occupations, along with more peaceful activities such as reduction self, in which the individual refuses to pay for services and goods such as public transport, electricity, gas, rent, and food. Several clashes occurred between students and police during the winter university occupation of 1967-68, during the Fiat occupation, and in March 1968 in Rome during the Battle of Valle Giulia.
The Indiani Metropolitani was a small fraction active in the left-left Italian protest movement during 1976 and 1977, in the so-called "Future Years". The Indiani Metropolitani is what is called the 'creative' wing of the movement. His followers wore face paint like Native American war paint and dressed as hippies. The emphasis is on "insieme gaze" (together), spontaneity and art, especially music. The group was active in Rome, during the occupation of La Sapienza University in 1977.
On 11 March 1977, riots broke out in Bologna after the murder of student Francesco Lorusso by police.
Beginning in 1979, the state effectively demanded an autonomous movement, accusing them of protecting the Red Brigade, which had kidnapped and murdered Aldo Moro. 12,000 left-wing activists detained; 600 left the country, including 300 to France and 200 to South America.
Tute Bianche is a militant Italian social movement, active from 1994 to 2001. Activists cover their bodies with cushions so as to withstand police blows, to push through police lines, and to march together in large blocks for joint protection during demonstrations. The bianche tute movement reached its peak during the anti-G8 protests in Genoa, in July 2001, with out of about 10,000 protesters in a "cushioned block", ironically after the collective decision to leave without white overalls. Shortly after Genoa, the Basta Ya Association disbanded, with certain segments transformed into "Disobbedienti" which literally means "Disobedients". This philosophy includes the occupation and the creation of self-managed social centers, anti-sexist activism, support for immigrant rights and refugees seeking political asylum, as well as the process of walking together in large formations during demonstrations held on the streets, by force. if necessary in case of a clash with the police.
The center for the bianche tonde movement is the Italian Ya Basta Association, a network of groups throughout Italy inspired by the Zapatista Army from the National Liberation uprising in Chiapas in 1994. Yes Basta mainly comes from Milan's "autonomous" social centers, specifically the Centro Sociale Leoncavallo. These social centers grew from the Autonomia movement of Italy in the 1970s and 80s. The bianches tute has international variations of one type or another. For example, in the UK a group calling itself WOMBLES adopted tactics, although WOMBLES political orientation was different from the Italian movement. In Spain, "Mono Blanco" is the preferred identifier. The first North American variant of tian bianche, NYC Ya Basta Collective (based in NYC) wore yellow overalls instead of white.
French autonome Movement
In France, the Marxist Socialisme ou Barbarie group, led by the philosopher Cornelius Castoriadis, can be regarded as one of the first autonomous groups. Socialism ou Barbarie is interested in researching Johnson-Forest Tendency activists in American US automakers and conducts their own investigations into the struggle of layers of workers, the autonomous struggle of trade unions or party leadership.
Also parallel to the work of the Johnson-Forest Tendency, Socialism ou Barbarie strongly condemns the Communist regime in the USSR, which is considered a form of "bureaucratic capitalism" and not at all the socialism it claims to be. The philosopher Jean-Franç§ois Lyotard is also part of this movement.
However, the Italian influence of the operaismo movement is more directly felt in the creation of a review of the Riaux pour l'intervention (1972-73) by Yann Moulier-Boutang, a French economist who close to Toni Negri. This led to the formation of the Camarades (1974-78). Together with others, Moulier-Boutang joins the Center International pour des Nouveaux Espaces de Libertà © (CINEL), established three years earlier by FÃÆ'  © lix Guattari, and helps Italian activists accused of terrorism, of which at least 300 people escaped to France.
The French autonome mouvement organized itself in AGPA (Assemblà © à © e Parisienne des Groupes Autonomes, "Parisian Assembly of Autonome Groups"; 1977-78). Many trends are present, including the Camarades group led by Moulier-Boutang, a member of the libertaire communist organization, some call themselves "Desire Autonomy" Bob Nadoulek, but also squatters and street people (including Pinggiran groups). French authorities support former members of the Red Army faction. Jean-Paul Sartre also intervened in conditions for prisoners of RAF detention.
The Action Directe militant group emerged in 1979 and committed some direct violent acts. Action Directe claimed responsibility for the assassination of Renault CEO Georges Besse and General Audran. George Besse is CEO of the Eurodif nuclear company. Action Directe was dissolved in 1987.
In the 1980s, the autonomous movement experienced a deep crisis in Italy because of effective prosecution by the State, and was stronger in Germany than in France. It remains present in the Paris squat and in some riots (eg in 1980 near the Jussieu Campus in Paris, or in 1982 in the Ardennes department during anti-nuclear demonstrations). From 1986 to 1994, the French group "ComitÃÆ'Â Â © des mal logÃÆ'Â © s" occupied several buildings from the French national social housing authorities to denounce the abominable lack of shelter for the workers, they several hundred and took their decisions in democratic assembly, with support from all Paris autonomous groups, many of whom work in anti-jails. In the 1980s, French autonomers published periodicals of CAT Pages (1981-82), Rebelles (1981-93), ToutÃ,! (1982) -85), Molotov et Confetti (1984), Les Fossoyeurs du Vieux Monde , La ChÃÆ''me ( 1984-85), and Contre (1987-89).
In the 1990s, the French autonomous movement was present in a struggle led by unemployed people, with Travailleurs, ChÃÆ''meurs, and Prà © ncÃ' caires en colÃÆ'¨re (TCP, "Angry Workers, Unemployed, and People Marginal ") and l'Assemblà © à © e gÃÆ'  © nÃÆ'  © rale des chÃÆ'Â'meurs de Jussieu (" General Assembly of Jussieu unemployed people "). It is also involved in the globalization movement and above all in solidarity with illegal aliens (Collective Des Papiers pours tous ("Licensing for all", 1996) and Collectif Anti-Expulsion (1998-2005)). Some autonomous journals date from the present: Quilombo (1988-93), Apache (1990-98), Tic-Tac (1995-97 )), Karoshi (1998-99), and Tiqqun (1999-2001).
From 19 to 28 July 2002, the No Boundary camp was made in Strasbourg to protest anti-immigration policies, particularly within the Schengen Europe space.
In 2003, the autonomous conflict with the French Socialist Party (PS) during the demonstration took place within the framework of the European Social Forum in Saint-Denis (Paris). By the end of December, hundreds of unemployed people helped themselves in the March March supermarket to celebrate Christmas (the so-called "autorÃÆ' Â © duction " (price) in France ). French riot police (CRS) are physically opposed to unemployed people in the store. Autonomous unrest during spring 2006 protests against CPE, and again after the 2007 presidential election when Nicolas Sarkozy was elected.
On November 11, 2008, French police arrested ten people, including five living in a farmhouse on a hill overlooking Tarnac, and accused them of dealing with "terrorist companies" by sabotaging the TGV overhead path. Nine out of ten were released and only Julien Coupat, the accused leader, still in custody for about a year, was accused of "leading a terrorist group" by the Paris Prosecutor's office.
German Movement Autonome in the 1970s and 1980s
In Germany, Autonome was used during the late 1970s to describe the most radical part of the political left. These individuals participated in almost all acts of social movement at the time, especially in demonstrations against nuclear power generation (Brokdorf 1981, Wackersdorf 1986) and in action against the construction of airport runways (Frankfurt 1976-86). The defense of squats against the police as in Hamburg HafenstraÃÆ'Ÿe is also the main "task" for the "autonome" movement. The Dutch anarchist movement Autonomen from the 1960s was also concentrated on squatting.
"Autonome" tactics are usually militants, including barricade or throwing or molotov cocktail construction in police. During their most powerful times in the early 1980s, at least one police officer had to fly.
Because of their clothes (heavy black clothes, ski masks, helmets), "Autonome" dubbed the "Der schwarze Block" by the German media, and in this tactic it is similar to the modern black block. In 1989, the law on demonstrations in Germany was changed, banning the use of so-called "passive armaments" such as helmets or pads and covering your face.
Currently, the "autonome" scene in Germany is greatly reduced and concentrates mainly on anti-fascist, ecological, solidarity with refugees, and feminism. There are larger and more militant groups still operating, such as in Switzerland or Italy.
Greek anarcho-autonomoi
In Greece, anarcho-autonomoi (Greek ??????-????????? "Anarchist-autonomous") emerged as an important trend in the youth and student movement, first during the 1973 Athens Politicsnic uprising against a military dictatorship that governing the country at that time. After the fall of the dictatorship in 1974, "anarcho-autonomy" became very influential, first as a social trend among youth and later as a political trend (very loose and diverse). The definition of "anarcho-autonomoi", itself, is much debated. One reason is that this was originally created by an opponent. However, it is also quite rapidly adopted by many followers, which is used as a general term.
Before 1973, in Greece, there was very little tradition in libertarian anarchism or socialism in general. The exception to this is Agis Stinas , an early comrade of Cornelius Castoriadis. Castoriadis was a member of the small Communist Council of Stinas (before he emigrated to France) and was influenced by it; then these roles are reversed. Small groups that were virtually (physically) eliminated by the Nazis, local stance, and Stalinist communist parties during the Nazi occupation and the Greek Civil War were followed, with Castoriadis and Stinas, alone, becoming two of the few survivors.
Thus, the radical Greek youth of the 1970s, having a relatively small relative background to refer, lived with an extensive "syncretism" of some of the trends stemming from their respective movements in other European countries. Anarchist and anarcho syndicalist trends coalesce with other situations, workers, or autonomous tendencies and even with radical (non-autonomous) Marxist tendencies. "Anarcho-autonomy" made a very strong position during the 1978-80 student movement, coming to violent confrontations with police and (also, the great influence) of the Stalinist communist youth (K.N.E). Such booths are repeated every time student, worker and youth movements increase (in 1987, 1990-91, 1998-99, and 2006-7). However, their intensity has dropped since 1990-91.
In line with such participation in social movements, a large number of social centers (many of them crouched) existed to this day in Greece, and many of them participated in social struggles at the local level. These social centers, whether they now identify as "autonomists" or not (mostly using terms like "anti-authority" (??????????????), while some identify as "anarchist" ), functioning in a manner historically emerging through "Autonomia". There are also many small political groups that identify themselves as "autonomists", from hardworking to post-modernist. Most of them are still connected with their respective groups that identify as "Anarchist".
Influence
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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